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Learn more. Digital subscription includes: Unlimited access to CSMonitor. The Monitor Daily email. No advertising. Richard Nixon died on April 22, This is a video produced by the Richard Nixon Foundation to commemorate the 25th anniversary of his death. The word specifically refers to the Watergate Hotel in Washington D.
Even today, it is home to former Senator Bob Dole and was once the place where Monica Lewinsky laid low. If it had not been for the alert actions of Frank Wills, a security guard, the scandal may never have erupted. But the chronology of the scandal really begins during , when the burglars were arrested.
By , Nixon had been re-elected, but the storm clouds were building. By early , the nation was consumed by Watergate. His long political career began in when he was elected to the House of Representatives.
Nixon served as Vice-President for eight years, then lost the election to John F. He was vindicated by winning a landslide re-election. He was sworn in for a second term in Janury The first was on April 30, , in which he announced the departure of Dean, Haldeman and Ehrlichman. A more defiant speech was delivered on August 15, He didn't give up, he didn't call the office back in Washington and say he was coming home because the authorities weren't cooperating. In the end, he got the single biggest, most important of all the Watergate stories.
It was at this point that the Times and the rest of the Post's opposition began to fade away.
Watergate scandal - Wikipedia
It was the beginning of the Post's ascension. It is difficult to exaggerate just how hard Bernstein and Woodward worked on the Watergate story. They made phone calls; they knocked on doors. They worked all the time -- and they believed in what they were doing. Suspicions were now growing that prosecutor Earl Silbert and the Justice Department, heavily influenced by the Nixon White House, hoped to restrict the investigation solely to the burglars.. The wheels began to turn. The agency had set up shop on April 7, charged by a recently enacted campaign-reform act to tighten up the reporting of campaign contributions.
Hughes told Woodward there was no mention of the Dahlberg check in any of the finance filings by the Nixon committee. At the same time, Congressman Wright Patman, the year-old chairman of the House Banking and Currency Committee, directed his staff to see if there had been any violations of banking law in the way the Dahlberg check and the laundered Mexican cash had been handled.
That investigation never really got off the ground, partly because Patman some days couldn't assemble a quorum of committee members, but it was a start. On the Senate side, Edward M. Kennedy, chairman of the Judiciary Committee's subcommittee on Administrative Practices and Procedure, began another investigation. But it was Sam Hughes and his little agency that caused the most trouble for the White House.
Woodward's editors told him to make absolutely certain that no other paper beat the Post on the agency's findings. Woodward called someone at Sam Hughes' office every day. On August 22, the second day of the GOP national convention in Miami, Woodward and Bernstein reported that Hughes' election office was preparing to release its report documenting illegal activities by Nixon's re-election committee.
Hours before the final report was to be released, however, Hughes was summoned to Miami by Maurice Stans, for whom he had once worked, to talk things over. He made the flight, even though he knew it might look improper if the press got hold of it. The Nixon campaign knew it couldn't suppress Hughes' report, which was published August 26, after the convention adjourned, but it had managed to keep it from coming out while Nixon was celebrating his triumphal renomination.
In the short time he was in Miami, Hughes managed to track down Hugh Sloan, the one-time Nixon finance committee treasurer. The Post published this story on September 13, reporting that the "General Accounting Office investigators have found only technical violations of the new campaign finance law But, of course, the Justice Department was moving at a glacial pace in its Watergate investigation, saying frequently that it would be a disservice to the system and to the defendants to comment on the various allegations. Sussman says he often wondered why the Post had so little media competition in the Watergate story.
No other paper, he says, took the time to investigate Dole's allegations of impropriety in the financial affairs of the McGovern campaign.
There was even a little skepticism at the Post, especially among members of the national staff, he says. These things happen in all campaigns. Metropolitan Editor Rosenfeld says it didn't bother him a bit. The other guys gang up and piss on your story. Journalists are always denigrating one another. One of the obstacles in pinning the story down was the campaign headquarters itself.
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It was like a bunker, with uniformed guards at the door. Interviews with the people inside were hard to set up and when a reporter was allowed past the gates he was accompanied by someone to the office of the person he or she had arranged to interview, and then taken in hand and led back to the gate and out the front door when he or she was finished. What were their telephone numbers and where did they live? When traveling alone, Bernstein used a company car or rode his bicycle. And, in the early days, they viewed each other with a little bit of suspicion. By now, though, they were a team.
This is how they described their working relationship in their book:. They realized the advantages of working together, particularly because their temperaments were so dissimilar Each kept a master list of telephone numbers. The numbers were called at least twice a week. Eventually, the combined total of names on their lists swelled to several hundred, yet fewer than 50 were duplicated By this time, Bernstein and Woodward had developed their own style of working together.
To those who sat nearby in the newsroom, it was obvious that Woodward-Bernstein was not always a smoothly operating piece of journalistic machinery. The two fought, often openly. Sometimes they battled for fifteen minutes over a single word or sentence. Nuances were critically important; the emphasis had to be just right. The search for the journalistic mean was frequently conducted at full volume, and it was not uncommon to see one stalk away from the other's desk. Sooner or later, however usually later , the story was hammered out. Each developed his own filing system; oddly, it was Bernstein, far the least organized of the two, who kept records neatly arranged in manila folders labeled with the names of virtually everyone they encountered.
Subject files were kept as well. Woodward's record-keeping was more informal, but they both adhered to one inviolate rule: they threw nothing out and kept all their notes, and the early drafts of stories. Soon they had filled four filing cabinets. Usually, Woodward, the faster writer, would do a first draft, then Bernstein would rewrite. Often, Bernstein would have time to rewrite only the first half of the story, leaving Woodward's second half hanging like a shirttail. The process often consumed most of the night. Sussman says the prodecure did not always work exactly as the two reporters describe it.
Often, he recalls, there was heavy editing and rewriting. The door-to-door canvassing began paying off, in bits and pieces. One CREEP employee told the reporters, in tears, that she was scared of what was happening, and that all kinds of documents were being shredded. Porter, and Jeb Stuart Magruder, all former White House employees working at campaign headquarters, knew about the bugging of the Democratic headquarters.
What amazed them both was the fact that many of these people hadn't been interviewed by Federal investigators. Woodward remembers Earl Silbert, the chief prosecutor, asking him, "Why are you believing all these women? Lurking in the background was Woodward's special friend, the man whom managing editor Simons had christened "Deep Throat " the title of a pornographic movie popular at the time.
Woodward reported later that "Deep Throat" had agreed to talk to Woodward on "deep background" with a guarantee that neither his name nor his title would ever be revealed without his permission. At first, "Deep Throat" and Woodward talked on the telephone. But, as the story became hotter, "Deep Throat" insisted on other arrangements. He suggested that Woodward open the drapes in his apartment at 17th and P streets as a signal.
If they were open, they would meet that night.
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So they refined the procedure. Woodward had an old flowerpot with a red flag on a stick and he placed it at the front of his balcony. If he wanted to see "Deep Throat," he would move the flowerpot and the stick with the red flag to the rear of the balcony.